Said Muhammad Abukar, a mere 40 days
old, lay grey and trembling on an
operating table in Madina hospital. His
tiny stomach was slit down the middle.
Doctors were searching for shrapnel in
his abdomen. There was a large hole in
his lower back.
Muhammad Abukar Ahmed, Said’s
distraught father, told The Times that
eight members of his family had been
about to flee from war-torn Mogadishu
when a shell hit their house in the
residential area of Mahad Alab. The
building was destroyed. It took Mr
Ahmed, 25, a teacher of the Koran, 15
minutes to dig himself out of the
rubble. “I didn’t know if I was going to
live, let alone my son,” he said.
In the past month Ethiopian troops
supporting Somalia’s deeply unpopular
Government have pounded residential
areas controlled by insurgents. The
civilian death toll has reached four
figures. Thousands more have been maimed
and injured. An estimated 320,000
inhabitants — nearly a third of
Mogadishu’s population — have fled in
terror.
In five days spent in and around a
city reverberating with the constant
thud of mortars and bursts of gunfire,
The Times saw burnt-out slums, huge
refugee encampments, hospitals
overflowing with the sick and injured,
and enough misery to last a lifetime.
It is hard to overstate the suffering
of this forgotten country. Last year
Somalia tasted peace for the first time
in 15 years of bloody civil war when the
Islamic Courts movement drove out the
warlords who had made their country a
byword for anarchy and mayhem. But
Washington saw the Courts as a new
Taleban sympathetic to al-Qaeda, so it
conspired with neighbouring Ethiopia to
remove them as part of its War on
Terror.
In December Ethiopia’s formidable
army routed the Courts, and installed a
Somalian “transitional federal
government” that includes some of the
very warlords the Courts had ousted, and
depends for its survival on thousands of
soldiers provided by Somalia’s oldest
and most bitter enemy. The new
Government is now battling against a
growing insurgency, and legions of
petrified Somalis are caught in the
crossfire.
On our first afternoon in Mogadishu
we were interviewing doctors at the
Madina hospital when we heard
explosions. Minutes later a convoy of
cars, minibuses and trucks began
delivering men, women and children — all
civilians — with blood pouring from
shrapnel wounds.
They were carried, wailing and
moaning, into the casualty centre on
trolleys, in people’s arms, in crude
stretchers fashioned from blankets. They
were laid on tables and the lino floor,
soaked in their own blood and vomit. The
doctors and nurses were soon struggling
to cope, sweat coursing down their faces
as they bandaged wounds and rigged up
intravenous drips in the intense heat.
But still the injured came — 30, 40, 50
of them. Amid the pandemonium a man with
a stick fought to restrain a mob of
frantic relatives.
Survivors said Ethiopian troops had
fired three shells into a market in a
neighbourhood called al-Barakah packed
with women buying fresh milk. A dozen
were killed outright.
The Government says the Ethiopians
are responding to insurgent attacks, and
that it has warned civilians to leave
the insurgent-held areas of Mogadishu.
But such horrors have become
commonplace, and some European diplomats
believe the Government and its Ethiopian
backers could be committing war crimes.
In the past few days Ethiopian shells
have hit a mosque, a minibus, a hospital
and HornAfric, Somalia’s leading
independent radio station. One night
alone 73 people were killed in northern
Mogadishu, and in three days last
weekend the Madina treated 245 wounded
civilians.
The casualties fill its foetid wards,
corridors and overflow tents, and lie
under trees outside. They are people
like Ruqio Muse, a 22-year-old mother of
three young children who said her thigh
was shattered by an Ethiopian sniper’s
bullet as she retrieved goods from her
clothing stall in one of the city’s
battlegrounds. Next to her lie two
semi-comatose girls — 16-year-old
cousins — whose skin was burnt from
their faces by a landmine explosion.
Ahmed, 14, has had a leg amputated.
Saida Ali Muhammad, 40, had fled
Mogadishu with her children but returned
to sell milk when she was hit by
shrapnel in both legs. “This is
shameful,” said her uncle, Farah Rage,
as he tried to cool her with a fan. “We
are in the middle of two crazy groups,
one calling themselves insurgents and
the other saying they’re the Government.
Both are in concrete buildings so it’s
the civilians who die.” Hussein Dhere,
the hospital’s despairing deputy
director, said his staff were working
round the clock and “if this lasts
another ten or twenty days we can’t
cope. I feel very sorry. Sometimes I’m
angry. Our people are dying.”
We had first visited Mogadishu early
last December, five months after the
Courts ousted the warlords, and found a
city still rejoicing. Gone were the
ubiquitous checkpoints where the
warlords’ militias killed, extorted and
stole. Gone were their “technicals” —
Jeeps with heavy machineguns mounted in
the back. Hundreds of Somalis were
returning from foreign exile, businesses
were reopening, and for the first time
in a generation people could walk around
safely amid the ruins of their once-fine
capital, even at night.
The Courts’ leadership undoubtedly
contained Islamic extremists with
dangerous connections and intentions.
They banned the narcotic qat, cinemas,
Western music and dancing. But the
Courts also achieved the almost
impossible task of imposing order on one
of the world’s most dangerous cities,
and for that most Somalis were content
to accept their strict Islamic codes.
Today Mogadishu is a warzone once
again. The crowds and traffic have
melted from the streets. Schools,
businesses, roadside stalls and even
orphanages have closed. We were the only
whites and foreign journalists in the
capital, and the first guests in our
hotel for three weeks. We had just nine
fellow passengers on the only air-line
that still dares to fly into the city,
and beside the runway stood the wreck of
a military transport plane hit by an
insurgent rocket.
An estimated 20,000 Ethiopian troops
are battling against the insurgents — an
alliance of Islamic Court fighters and
elements of Mogadishu’s dominant Hawiye
clan who control much of the outer city.
The Government’s own army consists of
barely 5,000 “soldiers” — former members
of the warlords’ militias who inspire
fear, not confidence. They man
checkpoints and stand on corners in
central Mogadishu, flaunting their
semi-automatics. Many chew qat. Some
steal and extort (we twice had to pay
bribes at checkpoints).
Terrified of insurgent attacks, they
remove women’s niqabs — Islamic head
coverings — so they can see who is
underneath.
In December we could move freely
around the city, but not now. This time
we avoided main roads, used vehicles
with tinted windows, and travelled with
several bodyguards. Like most
inhabitants of Mogadishu, we retreated
behind our hotel’s steel gates well
before dark. But one day we slipped into
the insurgent stronghold of north
Mogadishu through the sort of labyrinth
of muddy back alleys that thwarted the
US rescue effort when two Black Hawk
helicopters were shot down over
Mogadishu in 1993.
Beyond the green line the streets
were almost deserted except for young
fighters bristling with guns, technicals
carrying rocket-launchers, and men left
behind to guard the homes of families
that have fled.
On Industrial Road, a major
thoroughfare, we were shown trenches and
barricades built to obstruct Ethiopian
tanks, burnt-out Ethiopian vehicles, and
the charred remains of both a charcoal
market and a camp for 1,200 homeless
families shelled by the Ethiopians.
More than 50 died as fire raged
through the camp’s rickety shelters made
of wood and plastic sheeting. All that
remains is an expanse of ash littered
with the blackened remains of cooking
pots, lamps and corrugated iron. “My
family fled to the countryside,” said
Hussain Ibrahim Yusef, a young boy
standing alone in the devastation. “We
were separated. I don’t know where to
follow them.”
Another day we drove south from
Mogadishu towards Afgoye. The refugee
camps started about ten miles out and
went on and on — thousands upon
thousands of families who are living out
in the bush beneath orange tarpaulins or
in the open, sheltered from the blazing
sun and torrential rainstorms only by
trees.
These people fled with little more
than sleeping mats and the clothes they
wore. Food is scarce. Vendors charge
extortionate prices for water, so some
refugees are drinking from dirty rivers.
There is no sanitation, and relief
efforts are hampered by the lack of
security, poor infrastructure and
harassment by government soldiers.
We found 1,865 families — perhaps
10,000 people — packed into the 59-acre
(24-hectare) grounds of the Lafole
Hospital alone. Hawa Abdi, 60, the
doctor who runs the hospital with her
daughter, said children there were
suffering from dysentery.
One adult and four children had died.
Pregnant women were suffering
miscarriages. Supplies were running out.
“We need peace. We need help,” she
beseeched.
We also found the new makeshift
premises — a few corrugated iron shacks
— of the Hayat hospital and nursing
school which we had visited in Mogadishu
last December. Abdirahman Figi, the
hospital chief, said the Ethiopians had
shelled it, stolen its money and
medicines, then commandeered it for
barracks. He said thousands of refugees
were at risk from the onset of the rainy
season and then winter. “The Islamic
Courts brought peace and we were happy,”
he said. The new Government was “worse
than the warlords”.
In five days we spoke to scores of
ordinary Somalis. Overwhelmingly they
loathed a government they consider a
puppet of the hated Ethiopians. “As long
as the Ethiopians are on Somali soil the
insurgents will get support,” said
Muhammad Ibrahim, a gardener now living
with his wife and three children at the
Lafole hospital. “In the six months the
Islamic Courts were here, less than 20
people lost their lives through
violence. Now that many die in ten
minutes,” said Hussein Adow, a
businessman waiting outside the Madina
hospital.
The Ethiopians had closed the main
road back to Mogadishu, so we took a
deeply rutted dirt track through the
bush. We saw columns of black smoke
rising above the distant city, and
passed countless vehicles struggling
southwards with yet more refugees.
Back in the capital we visited
another hospital, the Benadir, and saw
some of the most harrowing scenes of
all. There were no beds. In one bare
room after another the concrete floors
were covered with emaciated children
lying on filthy rugs, tended by
desperate mothers. There were 700 of
them, most under 5, all suffering from
dysentery and cholera contracted in the
refugee camps. Nowhere in Somalia is
safe any more.
Rise and fall of the Islamic
Courts
Mid-1990s Union of Islamic
Courts (UIC), a group of local courts,
gained popular support by beating
corruption and bringing order
March-May 2006 Worst violence in
almost a decade between rival militias
June UIC militias seize Mogadishu
from warlords. US fears region could
fall under the sway of al-Qaeda
September UIC and Government
begin peace talks in Khartoum
December From its base in Baidoa
the Government, backed by Ethiopia,
fights with Islamists and drives them
from Mogadishu
January 2007 US attacks suspected
al-Qaeda positions in southern Somalia.
Islamists abandon last stronghold, port
town of Kismayo
March African Union peacekeepers
arrive
April 320,000 Somalis have fled
Mogadishu since February, UN says
Source: Times archives